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FILE- In this May 4, 2016, file photo, North Carolina Gov. Pat McCrory makes remarks concerning House Bill 2, which limits protections to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, while speaking during a government affairs conference in Raleigh, N.C. McCrory shows no signs of backing down in the face of the federal government’s Monday, May 9, deadline to declare he won’t enforce the new state law. (AP Photo/Gerry Broome, File)

Analysis: The Great Republican Power Grab

Pennsylvania Republicans are furious. The president pro tempore of the State Senate, Joe Scarnati, refused to comply with the court’s order to turn over data concerning the state’s current district lines, arguing that the justices overstepped their authority. G.O.P. leaders appealed to the United States Supreme Court to block the order, but their request was denied on Monday by Justice Samuel Alito Jr.

When the Supreme Court speaks, that’s usually the end of the matter. Not this time. A Republican legislator this week moved to impeach the five Pennsylvania justices who voted to strike down the maps, on the grounds that they “engaged in misbehavior in office.” Pennsylvania’s judges are elected in partisan campaigns, and all five in the majority are Democrats. The two dissenters are Republicans.

Electing judges, as a practice, is a bad idea that should be done away with nationwide. Still, forcibly removing a judge for making decisions that offend the governing party is, to put it gently, not tolerable in a democracy. It’s a profound threat to the independence of the judiciary and the separation of powers. And yet, thanks to the turbocharged gerrymandering the state’s Republicans managed to pull off seven years ago, they have a large enough majority to do it.

Worse, they are far from alone in their efforts to rig the electoral process. In North Carolina, G.O.P. legislators in 2011 drew such biased districts — one election-law scholar called them the “most brazen and egregious” maps in the country — that they managed to win nine of 13 House seats, despite getting just 49 percent of the statewide popular vote.

Republicans now hold 10 of those 13 seats, but even that wasn’t enough for them, especially after 2016, when voters elected a Democrat, Roy Cooper, as governor and gave liberals a 4-to-3 edge on the State Supreme Court.

Almost immediately, Republicans struck back, stripping the new governor of many powers, attempting to redraw judicial districts, requiring judges to identify their party affiliation on ballots and reducing the size of the state’s Court of Appeals, in order to keep Mr. Cooper from replacing retiring Republicans.

In other words, if you can’t win the game under the existing rules, change the rules.

State and federal courts have ruled against many of these moves, and have invalidated Republican-created district maps and voting laws that were created to thwart black political power in the state. Most significantly, in January a three-judge panel of a federal court struck down North Carolina’s district maps for being “motivated by invidious partisan intent,” and violating the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection. But the Supreme Court put that ruling on hold, which means the current Republican-friendly maps will almost certainly be in use for the 2018 midterms.

So this is where we are: Increasingly partisan actors, mainly on the right, are wielding high-end mapmaking tools to lock in their party’s majority for years or longer, then hobbling another branch of government that is trying to rein them in. And the Supreme Court still thinks gerrymandering can be fixed through the political process?

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